国家邮报:德国副总理谴责哈马斯,支持以色列的演讲全文

国家邮报 2023-11-06 0"

German vice-chancellor


链接: National Post 国家邮报报道:德国副总理谴责哈马斯,支持以色列的演讲

哈马斯对以色列的恐怖袭击发生于四周前。自那以来发生了许多事情。不仅政治上的,尤其是对人民的影响。很多人的生活现在被恐惧和痛苦所吞噬。自那次袭击以来的公共辩论一直很激烈,有时也很混乱。

在我看来,太多的事情似乎太快就混在了一起。"以色列的安全是德国国家理念的一部分"这句话从未是一个空洞的说辞,也绝不能变成一个。它意味着以色列的安全对我们国家至关重要。我们与以色列的特殊关系源于我们的历史责任。

正是我祖父母那一代人想要在德国和欧洲消灭犹太人的生活。大屠杀之后,以色列的成立是对犹太人的保护承诺——德国被迫帮助确保这个承诺可以得到实现。这是我们共和国的历史基础。

我们的历史责任也意味着犹太人必须能够在德国自由安全地生活。他们再也不必担心公开展示他们的宗教和文化。但正是这种恐惧回来了。

我最近与法兰克福犹太社区的成员会面。在我们激烈、痛苦的交谈中,社区代表告诉我,他们的孩子害怕上学,他们不再去体育俱乐部,他们根据父母的建议在家里留下带有大卫之星的项链。今天,在德国。大屠杀后将近80年。

他们告诉我们,他们不再敢坐出租车,他们不再在信件上写回邮地址以保护收件人。今天,在德国。大屠杀后将近80年。

一位犹太朋友告诉我关于他的恐惧、绝望和孤独感。犹太社区警告其成员避开某些地方——为了自己的安全。这是今天在德国的现实,大屠杀后将近80年。

在示威活动、言论、对犹太商店的袭击、威胁中都能看到反犹太主义。例如,当出现种族主义袭击时,人们会展示出大规模的团结,但当涉及到以色列时,这种团结很快就变得脆弱。人们说情况复杂。但是情境化不能导致相对化。

确实,在我们的辩论文化中,经常会有太多的震惊和愤慨。但在这里,我们不可能过分愤慨。现在需要的是清晰,而不是模糊。明确地说:反犹太主义不能以任何形式容忍。

柏林和德国其他城市的伊斯兰示威的规模是不可接受的,需要强硬的政治回应。穆斯林协会也需要这样做。一些已经明确与哈马斯的行动和反犹太主义划清界限,并寻求对话。

但并非所有人都这样做——有些人在这方面过于犹豫,而且总体上做得太少。生活在这里的穆斯林有权获得保护,以免受到右翼极端主义的暴力——这是理所当然的。当他们遭受攻击时,必须尊重他们的保护权,他们现在也必须尊重犹太人的这一权利。

他们必须明确地与反犹太主义划清界限,以免削弱自己对宽容的权利。在德国没有宗教不宽容的余地。在这里生活的人必须按照这个国家的规则行事。而来到这里的人必须知道,情况就是这样,并且这将得到执行。

我们的宪法提供保护并赋予权利,但它也规定了所有人必须履行的义务。你不能将两者分开。在这里,宽容不能容忍不宽容。这是我们德意志联邦共和国共同生活的核心。

这意味着焚烧以色列国旗是犯罪行为,赞扬哈马斯恐怖行为也是如此。任何德国公民如果这样做,将不得不在法庭上为此类罪行负责;那些非德国公民也将冒着失去居留地位的风险。任何还没有居留许可的人将提供被遣返的理由。

然而,伊斯兰反犹太主义不应让我们对德国根深蒂固的反犹太主义视而不见。唯一的区别是,右犹太主义者目前正在克制,纯粹出于战术考虑,以便能够反对穆斯林。

重温二战,将纳粹政权描述为一个“小事件”,不仅是对大屠杀的相对化,也是对受害者和幸存者的侮辱。第二次世界大战是针对犹太人的灭绝战争;对于纳粹政权来说,消灭欧洲犹太人始终是主要目标。

而且,因为在右翼极端主义者中有许多普京的崇拜者,让我这样说:普京与哈马斯和伊朗政府的代表合影,并对加沙的平民受害者表示哀悼,同时在乌克兰制造平民受害者。他在德国的朋友肯定不是犹太人的朋友。

但我也担心政治左翼部分人士,遗憾的是,包括年轻的活动家中的反犹太主义。反殖民主义不得导致反犹太主义。在这方面,政治左翼的这一部分应该重新审视其论点并怀疑那个巨大的抵抗叙述。

“双方论”在这里是误导的。哈马斯是一个谋杀性的恐怖组织,为消灭以色列国和所有犹太人而战。德国“未来星期五”运动分部清楚地陈述了这一点,以及与其国际朋友们的对比,这是值得尊敬的。

最近我在土耳其的时候,有人尖刻地指责德国禁止支持巴勒斯坦的示威。还说德国应该将其人道主义要求应用到加沙地带的人民身上。我明确表示,在德国,批评以色列是允许的。站出来为巴勒斯坦人的权利,包括他们建立自己国家的权利,是被允许的。

但是,呼吁对犹太人实施暴力或庆祝对犹太人的暴力行为是被禁止的 — 而且这样做是对的!

是的,加沙地带的生活是贫穷无望的生活。是的,西岸的定居者运动正在挑起纷争,剥夺巴勒斯坦人的希望、权利,以及越来越多的生命。现在战争中平民的痛苦是一个事实,一个可怕的事实。每一个死去的孩子都是多余的。

我也呼吁提供人道主义物资,并致力于确保水、药品和救援物资能够送达加沙,保护那里的难民。

我们与美国朋友一道,一再向以色列明确表示,保护平民的安全至关重要。现在笼罩在加沙人民身上的死亡和痛苦是可怕的。说出这点既有必要,也是合法的。

然而,这不能成为对犹太人进行系统性暴力的合法化。反犹太主义不能由此得到合理化。当然,以色列必须遵守国际法和国际标准。但差别在于:有人会对哈马斯有同样的期望吗?正因为我最近在国外被质疑,把10月7日对以色列的攻击淡化为一次“不幸的事件”,甚至对事实本身提出质疑,让我在这里再次提醒您:正是哈马斯,残忍地在他们家中谋杀了孩子、父母和祖父母。他们的战士肢解尸体,绑架人质,并嘲笑地将其暴露在公众的羞辱中。

这些是纯粹的恐怖的记述 — 然而哈马斯被誉为自由运动?这是对事实的颠倒,我们不能容忍这种情况。这引出了我要说的最后一点:对以色列的攻击发生在若干穆斯林国家与以色列之间接近的阶段。地区内的以色列和穆斯林国家之间有亚伯拉罕协议。约旦和以色列正在合作进行一个重大的饮用水项目。沙特阿拉伯也在正常化与以色列的关系的道路上。

但哈马斯及其支持者,尤其是伊朗政府,并不希望以色列及其邻国之间的和平共处,犹太人和穆斯林之间的和平共处,以及两国解决方案的前景。他们想要摧毁它。那些仍然对该地区和平抱有希望的人,那些相信巴勒斯坦人有权建立自己的国家和真正的前景的人 — 正如我们所做的 — 现在在这些困难的周里必须进行区分。而区分意味着要认识到,哈马斯的谋杀行为旨在阻止和平。

哈马斯不想与以色列和解,而是要以色列的灭亡。这就是为什么我们必须明确表示,以色列的存在权不应被相对化。以色列的安全是我们的义务。德国深知这一点。



英文全文:

Hamas’s terrorist attack on Israel took place almost four weeks ago now. A lot has happened since then. Not only politically, but especially for the people. So many people’s lives are now consumed by fear and suffering. Public debate since the attack has been heated, sometimes muddled.

Too much seems to me to have been mixed up too quickly. The phrase, “Israel’s security is part of Germany’s raison d’état” has never been an empty phrase, and it must not become one. It means that Israel’s security is essential for us as a country. This special relationship with Israel stems from our historical responsibility.

It was the generation of my grandparents that wanted to exterminate Jewish life in Germany and Europe. After the Holocaust, the founding of Israel was the promise of protection to the Jews — and Germany is compelled to help ensure that this promise can be fulfilled. This is a historical foundation of our republic.

Our historical responsibility also means that Jews must be able to live freely and safely in Germany. That they never again have to be afraid to openly show their religion and their culture. But it is precisely this fear that is back.

I recently met with members of the Jewish community in Frankfurt. In the intense, painful talk we had the community representatives told me that their children are afraid to go to school, that they no longer go to sports clubs, that they leave their necklaces with the Star of David at home on the advice of their parents. Today, here in Germany. Almost 80 years after the Holocaust.

They told us that they no longer dare to get into a taxi, that they no longer put return addresses on letters to protect their recipients. Today, here in Germany. Almost 80 years after the Holocaust.

And a Jewish friend told me about his fear, his sheer despair, his feeling of loneliness. The Jewish communities warn their members to avoid certain places — for their own safety. And this is the reality here today, in Germany, almost 80 years after the Holocaust.

Antisemitism is being seen at demonstrations, in statements, in attacks on Jewish shops, in threats. While large waves of solidarity are shown when there are racist attacks for example, solidarity quickly becomes fragile when it comes to Israel. People say that the context is complex. But contextualization must not lead to relativization.

It is true, that in our debate culture, there is often too much shock and outrage. But here, we cannot be outraged enough. What is needed now is clarity, not a blur. And to be clear: antisemitism is not to be tolerated in any form — whatsoever.

The scale of the Islamist demonstrations in Berlin and other cities in Germany is unacceptable and needs a tough political response. This is also needed from the Muslim associations. Some have clearly distanced themselves from the actions of Hamas and from antisemitism, and have sought dialogue.

But not all of them — some have been too hesitant to do so, and it’s been too few overall. Muslims living here are entitled to protection from right-wing extremist violence — and rightly so. When they are attacked, their right to protection must be honoured and they must also honour this right of the Jews now that the Jews have been attacked.

They must clearly distance themselves from antisemitism so as not to undermine their own right to tolerance. There is no place for religious intolerance in Germany. Whoever lives here does so according to the rules of this country. And whoever comes here must know that this is how it is and that this will be enforced.

Our constitution provides protection and bestows rights, but it also imposes obligations that must be fulfilled by all. You cannot separate the two. Tolerance cannot tolerate intolerance here. This is the core of our coexistence in the Federal Republic of Germany.

This means that burning Israeli flags is a criminal offence, as is praising Hamas terror. Any German citizen who does this will have to answer for such offences in court; those who are not German citizens will also risk their residency status. Anyone who does not yet have a residence permit will have provided a reason to be deported.

Islamist antisemitism, however, should not blind us to the fact that we also have entrenched antisemitism in Germany. The only difference is that the right-wing extremists are currently holding back, for purely tactical reasons, in order to be able to agitate against Muslims.

Revisiting the Second World War, the Nazi regime as a “minor incident” is not only relativizing the Holocaust, it is a slap in the face of the victims and survivors. The Second World War was a war of extermination against Jews; for the Nazi regime, the annihilation of European Jewry was always the main goal.

And because there are many Putin admirers among the right-wing extremists, let me say this: Putin has his picture taken with representatives of Hamas and the Iranian government and deplores the civilian victims in Gaza whilst at the same time creating civilian victims in Ukraine. And his friends in Germany are certainly not friends of the Jews.

But I am also concerned about the antisemitism in parts of the political left, and sadly among young activists as well. Anti-colonialism must not lead to antisemitism. In this respect this part of the political left should review its arguments and distrust the big resistance narrative.

The “both sides” argument is misleading here. Hamas is a murderous terrorist group fighting for the annihilation of the state of Israel and the death of all Jews. The clarity with which the German section of Fridays for Future, for example, has stated this, and the fact it has done so in contrast to its international friends, is more than respectable.

When I was in Turkey recently, it was thrown into my teeth that pro-Palestinian demonstrations are banned in Germany. And that Germany must also apply its humanitarian demands to the people in Gaza. I made it clear that criticism of Israel is of course allowed here. That it is not banned for people to stand up for the rights of Palestinians and also their right to their own state.

But calling for violence against Jews or celebrating violence against Jews is prohibited — and rightly so!

Yes, life in Gaza is life in poverty without prospects for the future. Yes, the settler movement in the West Bank is fomenting discord and robs Palestinians of hope and rights and, increasingly, lives. And the suffering of the civilian population now at war is a fact, a terrible fact. Every dead child is one dead child too many.

I, too, call for humanitarian supplies, and am committed to ensuring that water, medicines and relief supplies are delivered to Gaza, and that the refugees are protected.

Together with our American friends, we are making is clear to Israel time and again that the protection of the civilian population is paramount. The death and suffering that is now engulfing the people of Gaza is terrible. To say this is as necessary as it is legitimate.

Systematic violence against Jews, however, can still not be legitimized by this. Antisemitism cannot be justified by this. Of course, Israel must abide by international law and international standards. But the difference is this: would someone ever frame such expectations of Hamas? And because I was recently confronted abroad with how the attack on Israel on the seventh of October was downplayed as — quote — an “unfortunate incident,” and even the facts were called into question, let me remind you here once again: it was Hamas, who cruelly murdered children, parents and grandparents in their homes. Whose fighters mutilated corpses, kidnapped people and laughingly exposed them to public humiliation.

These are accounts of sheer horror — and yet Hamas is hailed as a freedom movement? This is a reversal of the facts, which we cannot allow to stand. And this brings me to the last point: the attack on Israel took place in a phase of rapprochement between several Muslim states and Israel. There are the Abraham Accords between Israel and Muslim countries of the region. Jordan and Israel are working together on a major drinking water project. Saudi Arabia was on the way to normalizing its relations with Israel.

But peaceful coexistence of Israel and its neighbours, of Jews and Muslims, and the prospect of a two-state solution — are not what Hamas and its supporters, especially the Iranian government, want. They want to destroy it. Those who have not given up hope for peace in the region, those who believe in the right of the Palestinians to a state of their own and a real perspective — as we do — must now differentiate in these difficult weeks. And differentiating means to acknowledge that the murderous acts of Hamas are intended to prevent peace.

Hamas does not want reconciliation with Israel, but the extermination of Israel. And this is why it is pivotal to make it clear that Israel’s right to exist must not be relativized. Israel’s security is our obligation. Germany knows this.

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